Abstract
When a verb takes two complements, the first complement, typically an accusative object, c-commands the second complement, and the second complement can host a relative clause containing antecedent contained deletion (ACD). This simple fact, which, upon careful considerations, reveals that English accusative objects raise to a higher position than previously thought. The theoretical claim is that objects raise to check Case to the outer vP-spec. We argue that the v consists of two separate heads, the higher v[acc] and the lower vθ; objects raise to the outer spec of vPθ; and that the verb moves to the head of the higher v[acc].
Original language | English |
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Pages (from-to) | 401-434 |
Number of pages | 34 |
Journal | Linguistic Review |
Volume | 31 |
Issue number | 2 |
DOIs | |
Publication status | Published - Jun 1 2014 |
Keywords
- ACD
- NPI
- object raising
- quantifier raising
- split vPs
ASJC Scopus subject areas
- Language and Linguistics
- Linguistics and Language