Antecedent contained deletion in the domain of a raised object

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When a verb takes two complements, the first complement, typically an accusative object, c-commands the second complement, and the second complement can host a relative clause containing antecedent contained deletion (ACD). This simple fact, which, upon careful considerations, reveals that English accusative objects raise to a higher position than previously thought. The theoretical claim is that objects raise to check Case to the outer vP-spec. We argue that the v consists of two separate heads, the higher v[acc] and the lower vθ; objects raise to the outer spec of vPθ; and that the verb moves to the head of the higher v[acc].

Original languageEnglish
Pages (from-to)401-434
Number of pages34
JournalLinguistic Review
Issue number2
Publication statusPublished - Jun 1 2014


  • ACD
  • NPI
  • object raising
  • quantifier raising
  • split vPs

ASJC Scopus subject areas

  • Language and Linguistics
  • Linguistics and Language


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