Antecedent contained deletion in the domain of a raised object

When a verb takes two complements, the first complement, typically an accusative object, c-commands the second complement, and the second complement can host a relative clause containing antecedent contained deletion (ACD). This simple fact, which, upon careful considerations, reveals that English accusative objects raise to a higher position than previously thought. The theoretical claim is that objects raise to check Case to the outer vP-spec. We argue that the v consists of two separate heads, the higher v_[acc] and the lower v_θ; objects raise to the outer spec of vP_θ; and that the verb moves to the head of the higher v_[acc].